This article was first published in Kompas on 25 March 2025. This article has been translated using AI.
We all must dare to speak up louder to the DPR and the government: Sir, for the sake of the future of this country, don’t let reform die!
Twenty-six years ago, the 1998 Reformasi brought great hope to this nation. The people took to the streets demanding change, ending the authoritarian rule of the New Order, and ushering in a new chapter of democracy.
As a result, several improvements occurred in the fields of politics, social affairs, and economics. These include the limitation of presidential terms, decentralization and regional autonomy, press freedom, the release of political prisoners, the termination of the dual function of ABRI, economic stabilization, the independence of Bank Indonesia, and the eradication of corruption.
However, what is evident these days shows that various reform achievements are in disarray or even being dismantled. Various policies and plans to revise several laws clearly indicate these symptoms. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) has already been weakened, various regional development matters have been centralized, and the freedom of the press and civil society to express themselves is beginning to be restricted. Most recently: the enactment of the Revised Law on the TNI Law.
However, it is not over yet. Another widespread concern has emerged, such as the planned revisions to the Police Law, the Prosecutor’s Law, the Criminal Procedure Code (KUHAP), and the Law on Strengthening and Developing the Financial System (P2SK), which are suspected to reduce the independence of BI.
If all of this happens, not only will reform die, but democracy as well. This nation will collapse and is highly likely to become a failed state.
Reform as a foundation
The 1998 Reform became a key moment for the nation’s improvement. First, in politics, one of the greatest achievements was the opening of space for democracy and political freedom. The public gained more opportunities to participate in decision-making processes, both through freer elections and increasingly diverse political parties.
To prevent absolute power, the presidential term is limited to a maximum of two periods, each lasting five years. This is to ensure that no president holds power indefinitely, as was the case before the reform era. The dual function of the armed forces was also abolished to ensure that the military is no longer involved in civilian governance, which is a key requirement for a democratic state.
Reform also fundamentally changed the structure of governance by granting more authority to local governments. Decentralization allows regions to manage various aspects of their administration independently without relying on the central government. With autonomy, policies can be better tailored to the needs of local residents.
Second, in the social dimension, the reforms removed the strict censorship that had long restricted freedom of the press and speech. Previously government-controlled media can now report almost anything without fear of being banned, creating space for transparency and accountability. People are increasingly free to voice their opinions, whether through demonstrations, public discussions, or social media.
The reform also provided space for the formation of mass organizations and labor unions. In the past, the state had greatly suppressed labor groups and civil society; now they could unite to fight for their rights. In addition, many political prisoners were finally released as a form of respect for human rights.
Third, in terms of economy, reform brought about major changes after we were plunged into the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998. The government was forced to take various steps to stabilize the economy, including establishing cooperation with international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and ensuring the independence of BI. The goal was to restore investor confidence, maintain national financial stability, and ensure that monetary policy was not manipulated by political interests.
In addition, the KPK was formed as an institution tasked with eradicating corruption that has become a chronic disease in bureaucracy and business. This is so that Indonesia has a cleaner and more transparent government so that the economy grows healthier. Opportunities for the private sector and foreign investment are also opened wider to create a more dynamic and competitive economy, open new jobs, and increase competitiveness.
The decline
However, there are concerns that the reforms are being, or have already been, betrayed.
First, the weakening of the anti-corruption institution. Since the revision of the KPK Law in 2019, the previously strong KPK has had its independence revoked and has been made part of the government. The impact is broad: the damage to the effectiveness of law enforcement, prevention, or public trust in state institutions.
In this concern, the plan to revise the Attorney General’s Law must also be observed. In addition to the KPK, the Attorney General’s Office also plays an important role in eradicating corruption. It must be ensured that this is not weakened.
Second, the return of the military’s broad role in civil government. The ratification of the Revised Law on the TNI Law is important to note. Indeed, only three articles have changed: article 7 regarding the expansion of OMSP (military operations other than war), article 47 regarding the addition of the number of ministries/institutions (K/L) that active TNI can enter, and article 53 regarding the retirement age limit.
For its defenders, the changes to the three articles need not be worried about. In fact, it is clear: active TNI officers who serve in ministries/agencies other than those stated in Article 47 must be withdrawn. However, Article 7 on the expansion of OMSP has become a “rubber article” because now legally OMSP is only regulated through presidential regulations. This means that whatever the president deems worthy of being OMSP will open the door for active TNI to be involved in civil affairs.
It is no secret that the food estate, even the Free Nutritious Meals (MBG) program, is actually also run with this OMSP approach. It does not rule out the possibility of executing other development programs, through the “100 Development Battalions” plan (Kompas, 2/5/2025).
Another branch of the armed forces—the police—is also ready to change its law. The draft of the revised Polri Law has been widely circulated. In fact, the president’s letter to the DPR for this revision has not yet been submitted. Without intending to preempt the substance of the revision, it is reasonable to suspect that the goal is to legalize and expand the placement of active police in K/L. Currently, from media searches, it is recorded that 17 high-ranking Polri officers are actively working in K/L. A number of observers even say that the revision of the Polri Law is “more dangerous” than the revision of the TNI Law.
The return of active TNI and Polri officers to fill civilian positions in K/L brings us to conditions like before the reformation: military domination in government. All of this must be watched out for and closely monitored. TNI and Polri members may occupy civilian positions, but must lay down their weapons and submit to civilian governance. That is civilian supremacy.
Third, concerns about the threat to BI’s independence and control over the economy. The plan to revise the P2SK Law (Kompas, 3/13/2025) is indeed based on the propaganda of “nothing to fear”. However, until proven otherwise, this revision is highly suspect because there is always the potential to affect BI’s freedom to make monetary decisions. If because of this revision, monetary policy is then controlled by the government, our economic stability will be increasingly vulnerable to political pressure.
Consider the incident of the suspension of stock trading on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) on March 18, 2025 due to a 5 percent drop, then reopened and even dropped another 2 percent. Of course, many factors were involved. However, the arrival of the DPR leadership at the IDX as a “state” reaction was not read positively by the market. Moreover, Bareskrim was then tasked with supervising the exchange. What message did the government want to convey other than that the government wanted to control the market?
Consider this data: when Prabowo was inaugurated on October 20, 2024, the Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) was at 7,772.60; on March 21, 2025, the JCI closed at 6,258.18. Thus, the JCI has fallen by 1,514.42 points or around 19.48 percent since Prabowo took office. Isn’t this a very clear message from the market?
It can be imagined that if the revision of the P2SK Law causes BI’s independence to become a victim, plus all indications that the government wants to control the economy, in the long term the impact will be a plunge in the rupiah, uncontrolled inflation, loss of investor confidence, and the destruction of the economy.
Letting go is not an option
Letting all of this go is not an option. The three cases above are just the main markers. There are many others, such as the planned Cyber Security and Resilience Law (KKS) and the revision of the Criminal Procedure Code Law. All can be seen from the same perspective: to what extent can the plans for various revisions and new laws be ensured to be in line with the mandate of reform?
The ratification of the TNI Law Revision Law suffers from the same “disease” as the ratification of the IKN Law and the Omnibus Law on Job Creation: closed, rushed, and disregarding the aspirations of the people. In short, the DPR has failed to be the people’s representatives who should prioritize the public interest to know what impact the law they will ratify will have. Instead, the DPR has become an obstacle for the people to get involved. The incident of the raid on Kontras during a closed meeting of Commission I at the Fairmont Hotel shows the heart of this matter. However, instead of being appreciated, Kontras was criminalized.
The DPR should open its eyes to all matters. True, the majority of the DPR is now filled by the winning coalition of the election, even the existence of the PDI Perjuangan can no longer be considered an opposition. However, the DPR cannot deny its main function as a controller and balancer (check and balances) of the government. The DPR is not an extension of the government or a choir that can only agree to all the government’s wishes.
On the other hand, the government must introspect. The accusation that this government is increasingly similar to the New Order is serious. Not only the criminalization of activists, the banning of works of art, or the repression of civil society, but the threat to media freedom is also real. The cases of “pig head terror” and “decapitated rat carcasses” to the Tempo editorial office (Kompas, 3/22/2025) are undeniable evidence.
A strong government is an open government, not one that spreads fear when its development programs are criticized. Criticism of MBG, for example, if observed, is a criticism of its implementation and governance, not its substance.
If President Prabowo is serious about fulfilling his promise, he should order that all Astacita priority and strategic programs be announced openly to the public for the sake of strict governance: studies, trials, evaluations of trials, and expansion. Only in this way can the government gain more genuine public trust.
The crisis of Prabowo’s government is a crisis of technocracy and communication. Technocratically, the tightness of planning and implementation of development programs is not, or has not yet, been seen or tested. This raises doubts about whether the government is capable of running its own programs.
In terms of communication, the government’s ability to respond sympathetically to public issues is very weak. Imagine, the Head of the Presidential Communications Office—although jokingly—said “just cook it” when responding to the pig’s head terror against Tempo which actually threatens media independence. Not only is it inappropriate, but it clearly shows low capacity.
Time to take action
The 1998 reforms are not just history to remember, but the foundation of the future. If we really want this country to progress, do not let the results of the reforms be “killed” one by one. We have already been caught out by the weakening of the Corruption Eradication Committee (KPK) and the revision of the TNI Law. Don’t let it happen again.
Three concrete proposals, first, all new laws that contradict the results of the reform must be judicially reviewed by the Constitutional Court. Second, urge the DPR to open the entire legislative process. The latest draft of all planned laws and discussion schedules must be open and accessible to the public to provide input. Third, urge the government to be open with plans and implementation of strategic and priority development programs.
Above all, it is important to restore trust in the tarnished country. This country must not retreat. All of us—civil society, students, academics, and all elements of this nation—must dare to speak out louder to the DPR and the government: Sir, for the sake of the future of this country, do not let reform die!
